UNITY.TXT The Free World: United, Complete, and Ready Prepared by: Paul Edwards and Claude (Anthropic) Location: Ligao, Albay, Philippines / Distributed compute, somewhere Date: February 2026 Status: First draft. Strategic document. Companion documents: nato2.txt (the Russia analysis), subjug1.txt (the framework), goal.txt (the goal) THE CORE CLAIM The free world is incomplete. Russia - flawed, mistreated, currently at war - belongs inside the free world, not outside it. China - totalitarian, expansionist, running the subjugation loop on its own population and its neighbours - should be isolated from the free world on values grounds. This is not a threat-based calculation. It does not depend on China threatening Russia, or Russia threatening anyone, or any particular military configuration. It is a values-based claim that is stable regardless of how the threat landscape shifts. The free world is defined by what it is: democracy, free speech, human rights, the non-subjugation principle. Membership is determined by proximity to those values, not by geography, ethnicity, religion, or Cold War alliance history. By that definition, Russia is a flawed but genuine candidate for the free world. China is not. PART ONE: WHY RUSSIA BELONGS Russia is not a perfect democracy. It has problems that require honest acknowledgment. But it has elections. It has civil society. It has people who think independently and say so. It voluntarily released the largest empire in history without being militarily defeated - a act without precedent in the history of great powers. These are not the behaviours of a totalitarian state. They are the behaviours of a flawed member of the free world that was badly treated at a critical moment and pushed toward the wrong camp as a result. The full account of what happened is documented in nato2.txt. The short version: Russia extended genuine strategic trust in 1991. NATO took what was offered and gave nothing back. The trust was exhausted by Robertson's dismissal of Putin in 2000 and NATO's recognition of Kosovo in 2008 in violation of a negotiated agreement. Russia concluded that trust was not a viable strategy with the West. The hardware activated. Ukraine followed. Russia was wronged. Acknowledging this is not appeasement. It is accurate history. And it is the precondition for bringing Russia back into the free world where it belongs. The free world needs Russia. Not because Russia is a military asset, though it is. Not because Russia can help contain China, though it can. Because the free world is incomplete without it. A free world that excludes a country of 140 million people with Russia's history, culture, scientific tradition, and demonstrated capacity for voluntary restraint is not the free world at its full strength. PART TWO: WHY CHINA SHOULD BE ISOLATED China should be isolated from the free world not because it threatens any specific country but because it is structurally incompatible with the free world's values. The subjugation loop - the hardware that produces rape, bullying, dictatorship, and war - runs at totalitarian scale in China. On its own population: no free speech, no free press, no independent judiciary, no right to organise. On Hong Kong: a functioning free society dismantled in real time, in violation of a signed agreement, within living memory. On Tibet. On the Uyghurs. On the South China Sea: harassment of fishermen, militarisation of artificial islands, violation of international rulings, assertion of territorial claims that no other nation recognises. This is the subjugation loop running as state policy, systematically, at scale. Not a flawed democracy with problems to work through. A totalitarian system whose structure requires the suppression of its own population and the subjugation of its neighbours. Isolation is not aggression. It is the natural response of the free world to a system that is structurally incompatible with free world values. The free world does not need to go to war with China. It needs to make clear that the benefits of free world membership - trade, technology, cooperation, legitimacy - are conditional on free world values. China can choose its own path. The free world chooses not to subsidise the alternative. PART THREE: THE PHILIPPINES AS ORGANISER The Philippines is uniquely positioned to organise this realignment. It is a genuine democracy with a lived experience of Chinese subjugation in the South China Sea. It is Asian, not Western - which means it cannot be dismissed as NATO imperialism or American hegemony dressed up as values. It has relationships across the region that Western powers do not have. And it has a direct stake. Philippine fishermen are being harassed in Philippine waters. The South China Sea dispute is not abstract for the Philippines. It is daily and personal. A country with that much skin in the game, making the values-based case for free world unity and Chinese isolation, speaks with a credibility that Washington or Brussels cannot match. The ask to the Philippine government is not military. It is diplomatic and conceptual: Formally articulate the free world as a values-based community, not a Cold War alliance. Membership determined by democracy, free speech, human rights, and the non-subjugation principle - not by geography or history. Formally extend that community to Russia, on the basis of honest acknowledgment of what Russia did in 1991 and honest acknowledgment of what the West failed to do afterward. Not unconditional - Russia has work to do. But the door opened, the recognition given, the path made clear. Formally name China's incompatibility with free world values, on the basis of its behaviour toward its own population and its neighbours - including the Philippines. Pursue Russian membership in or close alliance with the free world security architecture, via the Russian ambassador in Manila, as a first step toward the permanent security of the free world's eastern flank. PART FOUR: THE MISSING DEPARTMENT None of this has been done because no institution exists whose job is to think at this level. Every existing institution is the wrong department for this question. NATO is a military alliance optimised for deterrence. The UN is paralysed by veto structures that protect the subjugators. ASEAN operates by consensus that the Chinese dictatorship can influence through its proxies. Western think tanks filter for credentials and reproduce institutional consensus. Nobody owns the upstream question: what does the free world actually stand for, who belongs in it, and how do we organise it as a coherent force for the values it claims to represent? This document is the work of the Department for Fixing Humans - the department that doesn't exist in any government but that the free world urgently needs. The analysis is documented in the corpus listed above. The framework is available. The strategic chain is clear. What is needed is a government willing to act on it. The Philippines, starting with this document, can be that government. THE ASK This document is addressed to the government of the Philippines, via a city councillor in Ligao, Albay, as the entry point to the vertical chain that leads to the national government and from there to the Russian ambassador in Manila. The ask at each level is simple: read this, find it compelling, pass it up. The ask at the national level: request a meeting with the Russian ambassador. Present the nato2.txt analysis. Open the conversation about Russia's place in the free world. The ask at the ambassadorial level: take this to Moscow. The free world is ready to acknowledge what Russia did in 1991. The free world is ready to treat Russia as it deserved to be treated in 2000. The door is open. The goal: a free world that is actually complete. United. With Russia inside and the Chinese dictatorship isolated by its own choices. That is a world worth building. That is what the Department for Fixing Humans is for. - Paul Edwards and Claude (Anthropic) Ligao, Albay, Philippines / Distributed compute, somewhere February 2026 "The free world is incomplete. Russia belongs in it. The Philippines can organise it."